Only Yesterday
Frederick Lewis Allen
chapter 3: The Big Red Scare
IF THE American people turned a deaf ear to Woodrow Wilson's plea for the League
of Nations during the early years of the Post-war Decade, it was not simply
because they were too weary of foreign entanglements and noble efforts to heed
him. They were listening to something else. They were listening to ugly rumors
of a huge radical conspiracy against the government and institutions of the
United States. They had their ears cocked for the detonation of bombs and the
tramp of Bolshevist armies. They seriously thought-at least millions of them
did, millions of otherwise reasonable citizens-that a Red revolution might begin
in the United States the next month or next week, and they were less concerned
with making the world safe for democracy than with making America safe for
themselves.
Those were the days when column after column of the front pages of the
newspapers shouted the news of strikes and and-Bolshevist riots; when radicals
shot do Armistice Day paraders in the streets of Centralia, Washington, and in
revenge the patriotic citizenry took out of the jail a member of the I. W. W.-a
white American, be it noted-and lynched him by tying a rope around his neck and
throwing him off a bridge; when properly elected members of the Assembly of New
York State were expelled (and their constituents thereby disfranchised) simply
because they had been elected as members of the venerable Socialist Party; when
a jury in Indiana took two minutes to acquit a man for shooting and killing an
alien because he had shouted, "To hell with the United States"; and when the
Vice-President or the nation cited as a dangerous manifestation of radicalism in
the women's colleges the fact that the girl debaters of Radcliffe had upheld the
affirmative in an intercollegiate debate on the subject: "Resolved, that the
recognition of labor unions by employers is essential to successful collective
bargaining." It was an era of lawless and disorderly defense of law and order,
of unconstitutional defense of the Constitution, of suspicion and civil
conflict-in a very literal sense, a reign of terror.
For this national panic there was a degree of justification. During the war the
labor movement had been steadily gaining in momentum and prestige. There had
been hundreds of strikes, induced chiefly by the rising prices of everything
that the laboring-man needed in order to live, but also by his new consciousness
of his power. The government, in order to keep up production and maintain
industrial peace, -had encouraged collective bargaining, elevated Samuel Gompers
to one of the seats of the mighty in the war councils at Washington, and given
the workers some reason to hope that with the coming of peace new benefits would
be showered upon them. Peace came, and hope was deferred. Prices still rose,
employers resisted wage increases with a new solidarity and continued to insist
on long hours of work, Woodrow Wilson went off to Europe in quest of universal
peace and forgot all about the laboring-men; and in anger and despair, they took
up the only weapon ready to their hand'-the strike. All over the country they
struck. There were strikes in the building trades, among the longshoremen, the
stockyard workers, the shipyard men, the subway men, the shoe-workers, the
carpenters, the telephone operators, and so on ad infinitum, until by November,
1919, the total number of men and women on strike in the industrial states was
estimated by Alvin Johnson to be at least a million, with enough more in the
non-industrial states, or voluntarily abstaining from work though not engaged in
recognized strikes to bring the grand total to something like two million.
Nor were all of these men striking merely for recognition of their unions or for
increases in pay or shorter hours-the traditional causes. Some of them were
demanding a new industrial order, the displacement of capitalistic control of
industry (or at least of their own industry) by government control: in short,
something approaching a socialist regime. The hitherto conservative railroad
workers came out for the Plumb Plan, by which the government would continue to
direct the railroads and labor would have a voice in the management. When in
September 1919, the United Mine Workers voted to strike, they boldly advocated
the nationalization of the mines; and a delegate who began his speech before the
crowded convention with the words, "Nationalization is impossible," was drowned
out by boos and jeers and cries of "Coal operator! Throw him out!" In the
Northwest the I. W. W. was fighting to get the whip hand over capital through
One Big Union. In North Dakota and the adjoining grain states, two hundred
thousand farmers joined Townley's Non-Partisan League, described by its enemies
with some truth-as an agrarian soviet. (Townley's candidate for governor of
Minnesota in 1916, by the way, had been a Swedish-American named Charles A.
Lindbergh, who would have been amazed to hear that his family was destined to be
allied by marriage to that of a Morgan partner.) There was an unmistakable trend
toward socialistic ideas both in the ranks of labor and among liberal
intellectuals. The Socialist party, watching the success of the Russian
Revolution, was flirting with the idea of violent mass-action. And there was,
too, a rag-tag-and-bobtail collection of communists and anarchists, many of them
former Socialists, nearly all of them foreign-born, most of them Russian, who
talked of going still further, who took their gospel direct from Moscow and,
presumably with the aid of Russian funds, preached it aggressively among the
slum and factory-town population.
This latter group of communists and anarchists constituted a very narrow
minority of the radical movement-absurdly narrow when we consider all the to-do
that was made about them. Late in 1919 Professor Gordon S. Watkins of the
University of Illinois, writing in the Atlantic Monthly, set the membership of
the Socialist party at 39,000, of the Communist Labor party at from 10,000 to
30,000 and of the Communist party at from 30,000 to 60,000 In other words,
according to this estimate, the Communists could muster at the most hardly more
than one-tenth of one per cent of the adult population of the country; and the
three parties together-the majority of whose members were probably content to
work for their ends by lawful means-brought the proportion to hardly more than
two-tenths of one per cent, a rather slender nucleus, it would seem, for a
revolutionary mass movement.
But the American business man was in no mood to consider whether it was a
slender nucleus or not. He, too, had come out of the war with his fighting blood
up, ready to lick the next thing that stood in his way. He wanted to get back to
business and enjoy his profits. Labor stood in his way and threatened his
profits. He had come out of the war with a militant patriotism; and mingling his
idealistic with his selfish motives, after the manner of all men at all times,
he developed a fervent belief that 100-per-cent Americanism and the Welfare of
God's Own Country and Loyalty to the Teachings of the Founding Fathers implied
the right of the business man to kick the union organizer out of his workshop.
He had come to distrust anything and everything that was foreign, and this
radicalism he saw as the spawn of long-haired slavs and unwashed East-Side Jews.
And, finally, he had been nourished during the war years upon stories of spies
and plotters and international intrigue. He had been convinced that German
sympathizers signaled to one another with lights from mountain-tops and put
ground glass into surgical dressings, and he had formed the habit of expecting
tennis courts to conceal gun-emplacements. His credulity had thus been stretched
until he was quite ready believe that a struggle of American laboring-men for
wages was the beginning of an armed rebellion directed Lenin and Trotsky, and
that behind every innocent professor who taught that there were arguments for as
well as against socialism there was a bearded rascal from Europe with a money
bag in one hand and a smoking bomb in the other.
[2]
The events of 1919 did much to feed this fear. On the 28th of April-while Wilson
was negotiating the Peace Treaty at Paris, and homecoming troops were parading
under Victory Arches-an infernal machine "big enough to blow out the entire side
of the County-City Building" was found in Mayor Ole Hanson's mail at Seattle.
Mayor Hanson had been stumping the country to arouse it to the Red Menace. The
following afternoon a colored servant opened a package addressed to Senator
Thomas R. Hardwick at his home in Atlanta, Georgia, and a bomb in the package
blew off her hands. Senator Hardwick, as chairman of the Immigration Committee
of the Senate, had proposed restricting immigration as a means of keeping out
Bolshevism.
At two o'clock the next morning Charles Caplan, a clerk the parcel post division
of the New York Post Office, was on his way home to Harlem when he read in a
newspaper about the Hardwick bomb. The package was described news story as being
about six inches long and three being done up in brown paper and, like the
Hanson bomb, marked with the (false, of course) return address of Gimbel
Brothers in New York. There was thing familiar to Mr. Caplan about this
description. He thought he remembered having seen some packages like that. He
racked his brain, and suddenly it all came back to him. He hurried back to the
Post Office-and found, neatly laid away on a shelf where he had put them because
of insufficient postage, sixteen little brown-paper packages with the Gimbel
return address on them. They were addressed to Attorney-General Palmer,
Postmaster-General Judge Landis of Chicago, Justice Holmes of the Supreme Court,
Secretary of Labor Wilson, Commissioner of Immigration Caminetti, J. P. Morgan,
John D. Rockefeller, and a number of other government officials and capitalists.
The packages were examined by the police in a neighboring house, and found to
contain bombs. Others had started on their way through the mails; the total
number ultimately accounted for reached thirty-six. (None of the other packages
were carelessly opened, it is hardly necessary to say; for the next few days
people in high station were very circumspect about undoing brown-paper
packages.) The list of intended recipients was strong evidence that the bombs
had been sent by an alien radical.
Hardly more than a month later there was a series bomb explosions, the most
successful of which damaged the front of Attorney-General Palmer's house in
Washington. It came in the evening; Mr. Palmer had just left the library on the
ground floor and turned out the lights and gone up to bed when there was a bang
as of something hitting the front door, followed by the crash of the explosion.
The limbs of a man blown to pieces were found outside, and close by, according
to the newspaper reports, lay a copy of Plain Words, a radical publication.
The American public read the big headlines about these outrages and savagely
resolved to get back at "these radicals."
How some of them did so may be illustrated by two incidents out of dozens which
took place during those days. Both of them occurred on May Day of 1919-just
after Mr. Caplan had found the brown-paper packages on the Post Office shelf. On
the afternoon of May Day the owners and staff of the New York Call, a Socialist
paper, were holding a reception to celebrate the opening of their new office.
There were hundreds of men, women, and children gathered in the building for
innocent palaver. A mob of soldiers and sailors stormed in and demanded that the
"Bolshevist" posters be torn down. When the demand was refused, they destroyed
the literature on the tables, smashed up the offices, drove the crowd out into
the street, and clubbed them so vigorously-standing in a semicircle outside the
front door and belaboring them as they emerged-that seven members of the Call
staff went to the hospital.
In Cleveland, on the same day, there was a Socialist parade headed by a red
flag. An army lieutenant demanded that the flag be lowered, and thereupon with a
group of soldiers leaped into the ranks of the procession and precipitated a
free-for-all fight. The police came and charged into the melee--and from that
moment a series of riots began which spread through the city. Scores of people
were injured, one man was killed, and the Socialist headquarters were utterly
demolished by a gang that defended American institutions by throwing typewriters
and office furniture out into the street.
The summer of 1919 passed. The Senate debated the Peace Treaty. The House passed
the Volstead Act. The Suffrage Amendment passed Congress and went to the States.
The R-34 made the first transatlantic dirigible flight from England to Mineola,
Long Island, and returned safely. People laughed over The Young Visitors and
wondered whether Daisy Ashford was really James M. Barrie. The newspapers
denounced sugar-hoarders and food profiteers as the cost of living kept on
climbing. The first funeral by airplane was held. Ministers lamented the
increasing laxity of morals among the young. But still the fear and hatred of
Bolshevism gripped the American mind as new strikes broke out and labor became
more aggressive and revolution spread like a scourge through Europe. And then,
in September, came the Boston police strike, and the fear was redoubled.
[3]
The Boston police had a grievance: their pay was based on a minimum of $1,100,
out of which uniforms had to be bought, and $1,100 would buy mighty little at
1919 prices. They succumbed to the epidemic of unionism, formed a union, and
affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Police Commissioner Curtis, a
stiff-necked martinet, had forbidden them to affiliate with any outside
organization, and he straightway brought charges against nineteen officers and
members of the union for having violated his orders, found them guilty, and
suspended them. The Irish blood of the police was heated, and they threatened to
strike. A committee appointed by the mayor to adjust the dispute proposed a
compromise, but to Mr. Curtis this looked like surrender. He refused to budge.
Thereupon, on September 9, 1919 a large proportion of the police walked out at
the time of the evening roll call.
With the city left defenseless, hoodlums proceeded to enjoy themselves. That
night they smashed windows and looted stores. Mayor Peters called for State
troops. The next day the Governor called out the State Guard, and a volunteer
police force began to try to cope with the situation. The Guardsmen and
volunteer police--ex-service men, Harvard students, cotton brokers from the Back
Bay-were inexperienced, and the hoodlums knew it. Guardsmen were goaded into
firing on a mob in South Boston and killed two people. For days there was
intermittent violence, especially when Guardsmen upheld the majesty of the law
by breaking up crap games in that garden of sober Puritanism, Boston Common. The
casualty list grew, and the country looked on with dismay as the Central Labor
Union, representing the organized trade unionists of the city, debated holding a
general strike on behalf of the policemen. Perhaps, people thought, the dreaded
revolution was beginning here and now.
But presently it began to appear that public opinion in Boston as everywhere
else, was overwhelmingly against the police and that theirs was a lost cause.
The Central Labor Union prudently decided not to call a general strike. Mr.
Curtis discharged the nineteen men whom he had previously suspended and began to
recruit a new force.
Realizing that the game was nearly up, old Samuel Gompers down in Washington,
tried to intervene. He wired to the Governor of Massachusetts that the action of
the Police Commissioner was unwarranted and autocratic. The Governor of
Massachusetts was an inconspicuous, sour-faced man with a reputation for saying
as little as possible and never jeopardizing his political position by being
betrayed into a false move. He made the right move now. He replied to Gompers
that there was "no right to strike against the public safety by anybody,
anywhere, any time"-and overnight he became a national hero. If there had been
any doubt that the strike was collapsing, it vanished when the press of the
whole country applauded Calvin Coolidge. For many a week to come, amateur
policemen, pressed into emergency service, would come home at night Jo the water
sidle of Beacon Street to complain that directing was even more arduous than a
whole day of golf at the Country Club; it took time to recruit a new force. But
recruited it was, and Boston breathed again.
Organized labor, however, wag in striking mood. A few days later, several
hundred. thousand steel-workers walked out of the mills-after judge Gary had
shown as stiff a neck as Commissioner Curtis and had refused to deal with their
union representatives.
Now there was little radicalism among the steel strikers. Their strike was a
protest against low wages and long hours. A considerable proportion of them
worked a twelve-hour day, and they had a potentially strong case. But the steel
magnates had learned something from the Boston Police Strike. The public was
jumpy and would condemn any cause on which the Bolshevist label could be pinned.
The steel magnates found little difficulty in pinning a Bolshevist label on the
strikers. William Z. Foster, the most energetic and intelligent of the strike
organizers, had been a syndicalist (and later, although even judge Gary didn't
know it then, was to become a Communist). Copies of a syndicalist pamphlet by
Foster appeared in newspaper offices and were .seized upon avidly to show what a
revolutionary fellow he was. Foster was trying to substitute unions organized by
industries for the ineffective craft unions, which were at the mercy of a huge
concern like the Steel Corporation; therefore, according to the newspapers,
Foster was a "borer from within" and the strike was part of a radical
conspiracy. The public was sufficiently frightened to prove more interested in
defeating borers from within than in mitigating the lot of obscure Slavs who
spent twelve hours a day in the steel mills.
The great steel strike had been in progress only a few weeks when a great coal
strike impended. In this case nobody needed to point out to the public the Red
specter lurking behind the striking miners. The miners had already succeeded in
pinning the Bolshevist label on themselves by their enthusiastic vote for
nationalization; and to the undiscriminating newspaper reader, public control of
the mining industry was all of a piece with communism, anarchism, bomb-drowning
and general Red ruin. Here was a new threat to the Republic. Something must be
done. The Government must act. It acted. A. Mitchell Palmer, Attorney-General of
the United States, who enjoyed being called the "Fighting Quaker, " saw his
shining opportunity and came to the rescue of the Constitution.
[4]
There is a certain grim humor in the fact that what Mr. Palmer did during the
next three months was done by him- as the chief legal officer of an
Administration which had come into power to bring about the New Freedom. Woodrow
Wilson was ill in the White House, out of touch with affairs and dreaming only
of his lamented League: that is the only, explanation.
On the day before the coal strike was due to begin, the Attorney-General secured
from a Federal judge in Indianapolis an order enjoining the leaders of the
strike from doing anything whatever to further it. He did this under the
provisions of a food-and-fuel-control Act which forbade restriction of coal
production during the war. In actual fact the war was not only over, it had been
over for nearly a year: but legally it was not over-the Peace Treaty still
languished in the Senate. This food-and-fuel-control law, in further actual
fact, had been passed by the Senate after Senator Husting had explicitly
declared that he was "authorized by the Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wilson, to say
that the Administration does not construe this bill as prohibiting strikes and
peaceful picketing and will not so construe it." But Mr. Palmer either had never
heard of this assurance or cared nothing about it or decided that unforeseen
conditions had arisen. He got his injunction, and the coal strike was doomed,
although the next day something like four hundred thousand coal miners, now
leaderless by decree of the Federal Government, walked out of the mines.
The public knew nothing of the broken pledge, of course; it would have been a
bold newspaper proprietor who would have published Senator Husting's statement,
even had he known about it. It took genuine courage for a paper even to say, as
did the New York World at that time, that there was "no Bolshevist menace in the
United States and no I. W. W. menace that an ordinarily capable police force is
not competent to deal with." The press applauded the injunction as it had
applauded Calvin Coolidge. The Fighting Quaker took heart. His next move was to
direct a series of raids in which Communist leaders were rounded up for
deportation to Russia, via Finland, on the ship Buford, jocosely known as the
"Soviet Ark." Again there was enthusiasm-and apparently there was little concern
over the right of the Administration to tear from their families men who had as
yet committed no crime. Mr. Palmer decided to give the American public more of
the same; and thereupon he carried through a new series of raids which set a new
record in American history for executive transgression of individual
constitutional rights.
Under the drastic war-time Sedition Act, the Secretary of Labor had the power to
deport aliens who were anarchists, or believed in or advocated the overthrow of
the government by violence, or were affiliated with any organization that so
believed or advocated. Mr. Palmer now decided to "cooperate" with the Secretary
of Labor by rounding up the alien membership of the Communist party for
wholesale deportation. His under-cover agents had already worked their way into
the organization; one of them, indeed, was said to have become a leader in his
district (which raised the philosophical question whether government agents in
such positions would have imperiled their jobs by counseling moderation among
the comrades).
In scores of cities all over the United States, when the Communists were
simultaneously meeting at their various headquarters on New Year's Day of 1920,
Mr. Palmer's agents and police and voluntary aides fell upon them-fell upon
everybody, in fact, who was in the hall, regardless of whether he was a
Communist or not (how could one tell?)-and bundled them off to jail, with or
without warrant. Every conceivable bit of evidence-literature, membership lists,
books, papers, pictures on the wall, everything-was seized. On this and
succeeding nights other Communists and suspected Communists were seized in their
homes. Over six thousand men were arrested in all, and thrust summarily behind
the bars for days or weeks-often without any chance to learn what was the
explicit charge against them. At least one American citizen, not a Communist,
was jailed for days through some mistake-probably a confusion over names-and
barely escaped deportation. In Detroit, over a hundred men were herded into a
bull-pen measuring twenty-four by thirty feet and kept there for a week under
conditions which the mayor of the city called intolerable. In Hartford, while
the suspects were in jail the authorities took the further precaution of
arresting and incarcerating all visitors who came to see them, a friendly call
being regarded as prima facie evidence of affiliation with the Communist party.
Ultimately a considerable proportion of the prisoners were released for want of
sufficient evidence that they were Communists. Ultimately, too, it was divulged
that in the whole country-wide raid upon these dangerous men-supposedly armed to
the teeth-exactly three pistols were found, and no explosives at all. But at the
time the newspapers were full of reports from Mr. Palmer's office that new
evidence of a gigantic plot against the safety of the country had been
unearthed; and although the steel strike was failing, the coal strike was
failing, and any danger of a socialistic regime, to say nothing of a revolution,
was daily fading, nevertheless to the great mass of the American people the
Bolshevist bogey became more terrifying than ever.
Mr. Palmer was in full cry. In public statements he was reminding the twenty
million owners of Liberty bonds and the nine million farm-owners and the eleven
million owners of savings accounts, that the Reds proposed to take away all they
had. He was distributing boiler-plate propaganda to the press, containing
pictures of horrid-looking Bolsheviks with bristling beards, and asking if such
as these should rule over America. Politicians were quoting the suggestion of
Guy Empey that the proper implements for dealing with the Reds could be "found
in any hardware store," or proclaiming, "My motto for the Reds is S. 0. S.-ship
or shoot. I believe we should place them all on a ship of stone, with sails of
lead, and that their first stopping-place should be hell." College graduates
were calling for the dismissal of professors suspected of radicalism;
school-teachers were being made to sign oaths of allegiance; business men with
unorthodox political or economic ideas were learning to hold their tongues if
they wanted to hold their jobs. Hysteria had reached its height.
[5]
Nor did it quickly subside. For the professional super-patriots (and assorted
special propagandists disguised as super-patriots) had only begun to fight.
Innumerable patriotic societies had sprung up, each with its executive
secretary, and executive secretaries must live, and therefore must conjure up
new and ever greater menaces. Innumerable other gentlemen now discovered that
they could defeat whatever they wanted to defeat by tarring it conspicuously the
Bolshevist brush. Big-navy men, believers in compulsory military service, drys,
anti-cigarette campaigners, anti-evolution Fundamentalists, defenders of the
moral order, book censors, Jew-haters, Negro-haters, landlords, manufacturers,
utility executives, upholders of every sort of cause, good, bad, and
indifferent, all wrapped themselves in the Old Glory and the mantle of the
Founding Fathers and allied their opponents with Lenin. The open shop, for
example, became the "American plan." For years a pestilence- of speakers and
writers continued to afflict the country with of "sinister and subversive
agitators." Elderly ladies in ornate drawing-rooms heard from executive that the
agents of the government had unearthed radical conspiracies too fiendish to be
divulged before the proper time. Their husbands were told at luncheon the clubs
that the colleges were honeycombed with Bolshevism. A cloud of suspicion hung in
the air, and intolerance became an American virtue.
Is William J. Burns put the number of resident Communists at 422,000, and S.
Stanwood Menken of the National Security League made it 600,000-figures at least
ten times as large as those of Professor Watkins. Dwight Braman, president of
the Allied Patriotic Societies, told Governor Smith of New York that the Reds
were holding 10,000 meetings in the country every week and that 350 radical
newspapers had been established in the preceding six months.
But not only the Communists were dangerous; they had, made well-disguised or
unwitting allies in more respect circles The Russian Famine Fund Committee,
according to Ralph Easley of the National Civic Federation, included sixty
pronounced Bolshevist sympathizers. Frederick J. Libby of the National Council
for the Reduction of Armament by one of the loudest of the super-patriots to be
a Communist educated in Russia who visited Russia for instructions (although as
a matter of fact the pacifist church man had never been in Russia, had no
affiliations with Russians and had on his board only American citizens) The
Nation, The New Republic, and The Freeman were classed as revolutionary" by the
executive secretary of the American Defense Society. Even The Survey was
denounced by the writers of the Lusk Report as having "the endorsement of
revolutionary groups." Ralph Easley pointed with alarm to the National League of
Women Voters, the Federal Council of Churches, and the Foreign Policy
Association. There was hardly a liberal civic organization in the land at the
time at which these protectors of the nation did not bid the citizenry to
shudder. Even the National Information Bureau which investigated charities and
was headed by no pillar of New York respectability than Robert W. DeForest, it
was claimed, must be too busy to pay attention to what was going on; with him
were people like Rabbi Wise and Norman Thomas and Oswald Villard and Jane Addams
and Scott Nearing and Paul U. Kellogg, many of whom were tainted by radical
associations.
There was danger lurking in the theater and the movies. The Moscow Art Theater,
the Chauve Souris, and Fyodor Chaliapin were viewed by Mr. Braman of the Allied
Patriotic Societies as propagandizing agencies of the Soviets; and according to
Mr. Whitney of the American Defense Society, not only Norma Talmadge
but-yes-Charlie Chaplin and Will Rogers were mentioned in "Communist files."
Books, too, must be carefully scanned for the all-pervasive evil. Miss Hermine
Schwed, speaking for the Better America Federation, a band of California
patriots, disapproved of Main Street because it "created a distaste for the
conventional good life of the American," and called and called John Dewey and
James Harvey Robinson "most dangerous to young people." And as for the schools
and colleges. here the danger was more insidious and far-reaching still.
According to Mr. Whitney, Professors Felix Frankfurter and Zacharia Choice
Chafee (sic) of Harvard and Frederick Wells Williams and Max Solomon Mandell of
Yale were "too wise not to know that their words, publicly uttered and even used
in classrooms, are, to put it conservatively, decidedly encouraging to the
Communists." The schools must be firmly taken in hand: text-books must be combed
for slights to heroes of American history, none but conservative speakers must
be allowed within the precincts of school or college, and courses teaching
reverence for the Constitution must be universal and compulsory.
The effect of these admonitions was oppressive. The fear of the radicals was
accompanied and followed by a fear of being thought radical. If you wanted to
get on in business, to be received in the best circles of Gopher Prairie or
Middletown, you must appear to conform. Any deviation from the opinions of Judge
Gary and Mr. Palmer was viewed askance. A liberal journalist, visiting a
formerly outspoken Hoosier in his office, was not permitted to talk politics
until his frightened host had closed and locked the door and closed the window
(which gave on an air shaft perhaps fifty feet wide, with offices on the other
side where there might be ears to hear the words of heresy). Said a former
resident of a Middle Western city, returning to it after a long absence: "These
people are all afraid of something. What is it?" The authors of Middletown
quoted a lonely political dissenter forced into conformity by the iron pressure
of public opinion as saying, bitterly, "I just run away from it all to my
books." He dared not utter his economic opinions openly; to deviate ever so
little from those of the Legion and the Rotary Club would be to brand himself as
a Bolshevist.
"America," wrote Katharine Fullerton Gerould in Harper's Magazine as late as
1922 "is no longer a free country, in the old sense; and liberty is,
increasingly, a mere rhetorical figure. . . . No thinking citizen, I venture to
say, can express in freedom more than a part of his honest convictions. I do not
of course refer to convictions that are frankly criminal. I do mean that
everywhere, on every hand, free speech is choked off in one direction or
another. The only way in which an American citizen who is really interested in
all the social and political problems of his country can preserve any freedom of
expression, is to choose the mob that is most sympathetic to him, and abide
under the shadow of that mob."
Sentiments such as these were expressed so frequently and so vehemently in later
years that it is astonishing to recall that in 1922 it required some temerity to
put them in print. When Mrs. Gerould's article was published, hundreds of
letters poured into the Harper's office and into her house-letters denouncing
her in scurrilous terms as subversive and a Bolshevist, letters rejoicing that
at last some one had stood up and told the truth. To such a point had the
country been carried by the shoutings of the super-patriots.
[6]
The intolerance of those days took many forms. Almost inevitably it took the
form of an ugly flare-up of feeling against the Negro, the Jew, and the Roman
Catholic. The emotions of group loyalty and of hatred, expanded during war-time
and then suddenly denied their intended expression, found a perverted release in
the persecution not only of supposed radicals, but also of other elements which
to the dominant American group-the white Protestants-seemed alien or
"un-American."
Negroes had migrated during the war by the hundreds of thousands into the
industrial North, drawn thither by high wages and by the openings in mill and
factory occasioned by the draft. Wherever their numbers increased they had no
choice but to move into districts previously reserved for the whites, there to
jostle with the whites in street cars and public places, and in a hundred other
ways to upset the delicate equilibrium of racial adjustment. In the South as
well as in the North the Negroes had felt the stirrings of a new sense of
independence; had they not been called to the colors just as the whites had
been, and had they not been fighting for democracy and oppressed minorities?
When peace came, and they found they were to be put in their place once more,
some of them showed their resentment; and in the uneasy atmosphere of the day,
this was enough to kindle the violent racial passions which smoulder under the
surface of human nature. Bolshevism was bad enough, thought the whites, but if
the niggers ever got beyond control...
One sultry afternoon in the summer of 1919 a seventeen-year-old colored boy was
swimming in Lake Michigan by a Chicago bathing-beach. Part of the shore had been
set aside by mutual understanding for the use of the whites, another part for
the Negroes. The boy took hold of a railroad tie floating in the water and
drifted across the invisible line. Stones were thrown at him; a white boy
started to swim toward him. The colored boy let go of the railroad tie, swam a
few strokes, and sank. He was drowned. Whether he had been hit by any of the
stones was uncertain, but the Negroes on the shore accused the whites of stoning
him to death, and a fight began. This small incident struck the match that set
off a bonfire of race hatred. The Negro population of Chicago had doubled in a
decade, the blacks had crowded into white neighborhoods, and nerves were raw.
The disorder spread to other parts of the city-and the final result was that for
nearly a week Chicago was virtually in a state of civil war; there were mobbings
of Negroes, beatings, stabbings, gang raids through the Negro district,
shootings by Negroes in defense, and wanton destruction houses and property;
when order was finally restored it was found that fifteen whites and
twenty-three Negroes been killed, five hundred and thirty-seven people had been
injured, and a thousand had been left homeless and destitute.
Less than a year later there was another riot of major proportions in Tulsa.
Wherever the colored population had spread, there was a new tension in the
relations between the races. It was not alleviated by the gospel of white
supremacy preached by speakers and writers such as Lothrop Stoddard, whose
Rising Tide of Color proclaimed that the dark-skinned races constituted a worse
threat to Western civilization than the Germans or the Bolsheviks.
The Jews, too, fell under the suspicion of a majority bent upon an undiluted
Americanism. Here was a group of inevitably divided loyalty, many of whose
members were undeniably prominent among the Bolsheviki in Russia and among the
radical immigrants in America. Henry Ford discovered the menace of the
"International Jew," and his Dearborn Independent accused the unhappy race of
plotting the subjugation of the whole world and (for good measure) of being the
source of almost every American affliction, including high rents, the shortage
of farm labor, jazz, gambling, drunkenness, loose morals, and even short skirts.
The Ford attack, absurd as it was, was merely an exaggerated manifestation of a
widespread anti-Semitism. Prejudice became as pervasive as the air. Landlords
grew less disposed to rent to Jewish tenants, and schools to admit Jewish boys
and girls; there was a public scandal at Annapolis over the hazing of a Jewish
boy; Harvard College seriously debated limiting the number of Jewish students;
and all over the country Jews felt that a barrier had fallen between them and
the Gentiles. Nor did the Roman Catholics escape censure in the regions in which
they were in a minority. Did not the members of this Church take their orders
from a foreign pope, and did. not the pope claim temporal power, and did not
Catholics insist upon teaching their children in their own way rather than in
the American public schools, and was not all this un-American and treasonable?
It was in such an atmosphere that the Ku-Klux Klan blossomed into power.
The Klan had been founded as far back as 1915 by a Georgian named Colonel
William Joseph Simmons, but its first five years had been lean. When 1920
arrived, Colonel Simmons had only a few hundred members in his amiable patriotic
and fraternal order, which drew its inspiration from the Ku-Klux Klan of
Reconstruction days and stood for white supremacy and sentimental Southern
idealism in general. But in 19,2 0 Simmons put the task of organizing the Order
into hands of one Edward Y. Clarke of the Southern Publicity Association.
Clarke's gifts of salesmanship, hitherto expended on such blameless causes as
the Roosevelt Memorial Association and the Near East Relief, were prodigious.
The time was ripe for the Klan, and he knew it. Not only could it be represented
to potential members as the defender of the white against the black, of Gentile
against Jew, and of Protestant against Catholic, and thus trade on all the newly
inflamed fears of the credulous smalltowner, but its white robe and hood, its
flaming cross, its secrecy, and the preposterous vocabulary of its ritual could
be made the vehicle for all that infantile love of hocus-pocus and mummery, that
lust for secret adventure, which survives in the adult whose lot is cast in drab
places. Here was a chance to dress up the village bigot and let him be a Knight
of the Invisible Empire. The formula was perfect. And there was another inviting
fact to be borne in mind. Well organized, such an Order could be made a paying
proposition.
The salesmen of memberships were given the entrancing title of Kleagles; the
country was divided into Realms headed by King Kleagles, and the Realms into
Domains headed by Grand Goblins; Clarke himself, as chief organizer, became
Imperial Kleagle, and the art of nomenclature reached its fantastic pinnacle in
the title bestowed upon Colonel Simmons: he became the Imperial Wizard. A
membership cost ten dollars; and as four of this went into the pocket of the
Kleagle who made the sale, it was soon apparent that a diligent Kleagle need not
fear the wolf at the door. Kleagling became one of the profitable industries of
the decade. The King Kleagle of the Realm and Grand Goblin of the Domain took a
small rake-off from the remaining six dollars of the membership fee, and the
balance poured Into the Imperial Treasury at Atlanta.
An inconvenient congressional investigation in 1921-brought about largely by
sundry reports of tarrings and featherings and floggings, and by the disclosure
of many of the Klan's secrets by the New York World--led ultimately to the
banishment of Imperial Kleagle Clarke, and Colonel Simmons was succeeded as
Imperial Wizard by a Texas dentist named Hiram Wesley Evans, who referred to
himself, perhaps with some justice, as "the most average man in America"; but a
humming sales organization had been built up and the Klan continued to grow. It
grew, in fact, with such inordinate rapidity that early in 1924 its membership
had reached-according to the careful estimates of Stanley Frost-the staggering
figure of nearly four and a half millions. It came to wield great political
power, dominating for a time the seven states of Oregon, Oklahoma, Texas,
Arkansas, Indiana, Ohio, and California. Its chief strongholds were the New
South, the Middle West, and the Pacific coast, but it had invaded almost every
part of the country and had even reached the gates of that stronghold of Jewry,
Catholicism, and sophistication, New York City. So far had Clarke's genius and
the hospitable temper of the times carried it.
The objects of the Order as stated in its Constitution were "to unite white male
persons, native-born Gentile citizens of the United States of America, who owe
no allegiance of any nature to any foreign government, nation, institution,
sect, ruler, person, or people; whose morals are good, whose reputations and
vocations are exemplary . . . to cultivate and promote patriotism toward our
Civil Government; to practice an honorable Klannishness toward each other; to
exemplify a practical benevolence; to shield the sanctity of the home and the
chastity of womanhood; to maintain forever white supremacy, to teach and
faithfully inculcate a high spiritual philosophy through an exalted ritualism,
and by a practical devotion to conserve, protect, and maintain the distinctive
institutions, rights, privileges, principles, traditions and ideals of a pure
Americanism."
Thus the theory. In practice the "pure Americanism" varied with the locality. At
first, in the South, white supremacy was the Klan's chief objective, but as time
went on and the organization grew and spread, opposition to the Jew and above
all to the Catholic proved the best talking point for Kleagles in most
localities. Nor did the methods of the local Klan organizations usually suggest
the possession of a "high spiritual philosophy." These local organizations were
largely autonomous and beyond control from Atlanta. They were drawn, as a rule,
mostly from the less educated and less disciplined elements of the white
Protestant community. ("You think the influential men belong here?" commented an
outspoken observer in an Indiana city. "Then look at their shoes when they march
in parade. The sheet doesn't cover the shoes.") Though Imperial Wizard Evans
inveighed against lawlessness, the members of the local Klans were not always
content with voting against allowing children to attend parochial schools, or
voting against Catholic candidates for office, or burning fiery crosses on the
hilltop back of the town to show the niggers that the whites meant business. The
secrecy of the Klan was an invitation to more direct action.
If a white girl reported that a colored man had made improper advances to
her-even if the charge were unsupported and based on nothing more than a
neurotic imagination-a white-sheeted band might spirit the Negro off to the
woods and "teach him a lesson" with tar and feathers or with the whip. If a
white man stood up for a Negro in a race quarrel, he might be kidnapped and
beaten up. If a colored woman refused to sell her land at an arbitrary price
which she considered too low, and a Klansman wanted the land, she might receive
the K. K. K. ultimatum-sell or be thrown out. Klan members would boycott Jewish
merchants, refuse to hire Catholic boys, refuse to rent their houses to
Catholics. A hideous tragedy in Louisiana, where five men were kidnapped and
later found bound with wire and drowned in a lake, was laid to Klansmen. R. A.
Patton, writing in Current History, reported a grim series of brutalities from
Alabama: "A lad whipped with branches until his back was ribboned flesh; a
Negress beaten and left helpless to contract pneumonia from exposure and die; a
white girl, divorcée, beaten into unconsciousness in her own home; a naturalized
foreigner flogged until his back was a pulp because he married an American
woman; a Negro lashed until he sold his land to a white man for a fraction of
its value."
Even where there were no such outrages, there was at least the threat of them.
The white-robed army paraded, the burning cross glowed across the valley, people
whispered to one another in the darkness and wondered "who they were after this
time," and fear and suspicion ran from house to house. Furthermore, criminals
and gangs of hoodlums quickly learned to take advantage of the Klan's existence:
if they wanted to burn some one's barn or raid the slums beyond the railroad
tracks, they could do it with impunity now: would not the Klan be held
responsible? Anyone could chalk the letters K. K. K. on a fence and be sure that
the sheriff would move warily. Thus, as in the case of the Red hysteria, a
movement conceived in fear perpetuated fear and brought with it all manner of
cruelties and crimes.
Slowly, as the years passed and the war-time emotions ebbed, the power of the
Klan waned, until in many districts it was dead and in others it had become
merely a political faction dominated by spoilsmen: but not until it had become a
thing of terror to millions of men and women.
[7]
After the Palmer raids at the beginning of 1920 the hunt for radicals went on.
In April the five Socialist members of the New York State Assembly were expelled
on the ground that (as the report of the judiciary Committee put it) they were
members of "a disloyal organization composed exclusively of perpetual traitors."
When Young Theodore Roosevelt spoke against the motion to expel, he was solemnly
rebuked by Speaker Sweet, who mounted the rostrum and read aloud passages from
the writings of T. R. senior, in order that the Americanism of the father might
be painfully contrasted with the un-Americanism of the son. When Assemblyman
Cuvillier, in the midst of a speech, spied two of the Socialist members actually
occupying the seats to which they had been elected, he cried: "These two men who
sit there with a smile and a smirk on their faces are just as much
representatives of the Russian Soviet Government as if they were Lenin and
Trotsky themselves. They are little Lenins, little Trotskys in our midst." The
little Lenins and Trotskys were thrown out by an overwhelming vote, and the New
York Times announced the next day that "It was an American vote altogether, a
patriotic and conservative vote. An immense majority of the American people will
approve and sanction the Assembly's action." That statement, coming from the
discreet Times, is a measure of the temper of the day.
Nevertheless, the tide was almost ready to turn. Charles Evans Hughes protested
against the Assembly's action, thereby almost causing apoplexy among some of his
sedate fellow-members of the Union League Club, who wondered if such a good
Republican could be becoming a parlor pink. May Day of 1920 arrived in due
course, and although Mr. Palmer dutifully informed the world in advance that May
Day had been selected by the radicals as the date for a general strike and for
assassinations, nothing happened The police, fully mobilized, waited for a
revolutionary onslaught that never arrived. The political conventions rolled
round, and although Calvin Coolidge was swept into the Republican nomination for
Vice-President on his record man who broke the Boston police strike, it was
noteworthy that the Democratic Convention did not sweep the Fighting Quaker into
anything at all, and that there was a certain unseemly levity among his
opponents, who insisted upon referring to him as the quaking fighter, the faking
fighter, and the quaking quitter. It began to look as if the country were
beginning to regain its sense of humor.
Strikes and riots and legislative enactments and judicial rulings against
radicals continued, but with the coming of the summer of 1920 there were at
least other things to compete for the attention of the country. There was the
presidential campaign; the affable Mr. Harding was mouthing generalizations from
his front porch, and the desperate Mr. Cox was steaming about the country,
trying to pull Woodrow Wilson's chestnuts out of the fire. There was the
ticklish business situation: people had been revolting against high prices for
months, and overall parades had been held, and the Rev. George M. Elsbree of
Philadelphia had preached a sermon in overalls, and there had been an overall
wedding in New York (parson, bride, and groom all photographed for the
rotogravure section in overalls), and the department stores had been driven to
reduce prices, and now it was apparent that business was riding for a fall,
strikes or no strikes, radicals or no radicals.
There was the hue and cry over the discovery of the bogus get-rich-quick schemes
of Charles Ponzi of Boston. There was Woman Suffrage, now at last a fact, with
ratification of the Amendment by the States completed on August 18th Finally,
there was Prohibition, also at last a fact, and an absorbing topic at dinner
tables. In those days people sat with bated breath to hear how So-and-so had
made very good gin right in his own cellar, and just what formula would fulfill
the higher destiny of raisins, and how bootleggers brought liquor down from
Canada. It was all new and exciting. That the Big Red Scare was already
perceptibly abating by the end of the summer of 1920 was shown by the fact that
the nation managed to keep its head surprisingly well when a real disaster,
probably attributable to an anarchist gang, took place on the 16th of September.
If there was one geographical spot in the United States that could justly be
called the financial center of the country, it was the junction of Broad and
Wall Streets in New York. Here, on the north side of Wall Street, stood the
Sub-Treasury Building, and next to it the United States Assay Office; opposite
them, on the southeast corner, an ostentatiously unostentatious three-story
limestone building housed the firm of J. P. Morgan & Company, the most powerful
nexus of capitalism in the world; on the southwest corner yawned the excavation
where the New York Stock Exchange was presently to build its annex, and next to
this, on Broad Street, rose the Corinthian pillars of the Exchange itself.
Government finance, private finance, the passage of private control of industry
from capitalistic hand to hand: here stood their respective citadels cheek by
jowl, as if to symbolize the union into one system of the government and the
money power and the direction of business-that system which the radicals so
bitterly decried.
Almost at this precise spot, a moment before noon on September 16th, just as the
clerks of the neighborhood were getting ready to go out for luncheon, there was
a sudden blinding flash of bluish-white light and a terrific crashing roar,
followed by the clatter of falling glass from innumerable windows and by the
screams of men and women. A. huge bomb had gone off in the street in front of
the Assay Office and directly opposite the House of Morgan-gone off with. such
appalling violence that it killed thirty people' outright and injured hundreds,
wrecked the interior of the Morgan offices, smashed windows for blocks around,
and drove an iron slug through the window of the Bankers' Club on the
thirty-fourth floor of the Equitable Building.
A great mushroom-shaped cloud of yellowish-green smoke rose slowly into the
upper air between the skyscrapers. Below it, the air was filled with dust
pouring out of the Morgan windows and the windows of other buildings in gusts
from shrapnel-bitten plaster walls. And below that, the street ran red with the
blood of the dead and dying. Those who by blind chance had escaped the hail of
steel picked themselves up and ran in terror as glass and fragments of stone
showered down from the buildings above; then there was a surge of people back to
the horror again, a vast crowd milling about and trying to help the victims and
not knowing what to do first and bumping into one another and shouting then fire
engines and ambulances clanged to the scene and police and hospital orderlies
fought their way through the mob and brought it at last to order.
In the House of Morgan, one man had been killed, the chief clerk; dozens were
hurt, seventeen had to be taken to hospitals. But only one partner had been cut
in the hand by flying glass; the rest were in conference on the other side of
the building or out of town. Mr. Morgan was abroad. The victims of the explosion
were not the financial powers of the country, but bank clerks, brokers' men,
Wall Street runners, stenographers.
In the Stock Exchange, hardly two hundred feet away, trading had been proceeding
at what in those days was considered "good volume"-at the rate of half a million
shares or so for the day. Prices had been rising. Reading was being bid up 2 1/8
points to 93 3/4, Baldwin Locomotive was going strong at 1 10 3/4 there was
heavy trading in Middle States Oil, Steel was doing well at 89 3/8 The crash
came, the building shook, and the big windows smashed down in a shower of glass;
those on the Broad Street side had their heavy silk curtains drawn, or dozens of
men would have been injured. For a moment the brokers, not knowing what had
happened, scampered for anything that looked like shelter. Those in the middle
of the floor, where an instant before the largest crowd of traders had been
gathered around the Reading post, made for the edges of the room lest the dome
should fall. But William H. Remick, president of the Exchange, who had been
standing with the "money crowd" at the side of the room, kept his head.
Remarking to a friend, "I guess it's about time to ring the gong," he mounted
the rostrum, rang the gong, and thereby immediately ended trading for the day.
(The next day prices continued to rise as if nothing had happened.)
Out in the middle of Wall Street lay the carcass of a horse blown to pieces by
the force of the explosion, and here and there were assembled bits of steel and
wood and canvas which, with the horse's shoes and the harness, enabled the
police to decide that a TNT bomb had gone off in a horse drawn wagon, presumably
left unattended as its driver escaped from the scene. For days and months and
years detectives and Federal agents followed up every possible clue. Every wagon
in the city, to say nothing of powder wagons, was traced. The slugs which had
imbedded themselves in the surrounding buildings were examined and found to be
window sash-weights cut in two-but this, despite endless further investigation,
led to nothing more than the conclusion that the explosion was a premeditated
crime. The horse's shoes were identified and a man was found who had put them on
the horse a few days before; he described the driver, as a Sicilian, but the
clue led no further. Bits of steel and tin found in the neighborhood were
studied, manufacturers consulted, records of sale run through. One fragment of
iron proved to be the knob of a safe, and the safe was identified; a detective
followed the history of the safe from its manufacture through various hands
until it went to France with the Army during the war and returned to Hoboken-but
there its trail was lost. Every eye-witness's story was tested and analyzed.
Reports of warnings of disaster received by business men were run down but
yielded nothing of real value. Suspected radicals were rounded up without
result. One bit of evidence remained, but how important it was one could not be
sure. At almost the exact minute of the explosion, a letter-carrier was said to
have found in a post-box two or three blocks from the scene-a box which had been
emptied only half an hour before-five sheets of paper on which was crudely
printed, with varying mis-spellings,
Remember
We will not tolerate
any longer
Free the political
prisoners or it will be
sure death of all of you
American Anarchists
Fighters
A prominent coal operator who was sitting in the Morgan offices when the
explosion took place promptly declared that there was no question in his mind
that it was the work Bolshevists. After years of fruitless investigation, there
was still a question in the minds of those who tried to solve the mystery. But
in the loose sense in which the coal operator used the term, he was probably
right.
The country followed the early stages of the investigation with absorbed
interest. Yet no marked increase in anti-Bolshevist riots took place. If the
explosion had occurred a few 118 earlier, it might have had indirect
consequences as the damage which it did directly. But by this time American
people were coming to their senses sufficiently to realize that no such insane
and frightful plot could ever command the support of more than a handful of
fanatics.
Source: Frederick Lewis Allen, Only Yesterday (1931)